Tuesday, June 4, 2013

Book Review :The Test of My Life

The art of bouncing back

An autobiography cast in the classic tale-of-survival-against-all-odd mould, The Test of My Life reinforces the commonly held belief that it is only in life-threatening adversity that the true character of an individual shines through. In Yuvraj Singh’s case, it certainly did.

As Indian sport’s most high-profile cancer survivor, Yuvraj has a story that is at once poignant and inspirational. In this book “about my life before cancer, with cancer, and my life after it”, the cricketer is as candid as any public figure can afford to be in this era of 24x7 television channels lying in wait in the shadows to pounce upon any piece of information deemed salacious, saleable or lachrymal enough for shrill, relentless exploitation on the airwaves.

Yuvraj narrates his story straight from the heart, bringing out the innermost details of an intense fight that was fraught with doubts and fears, but one that, happily, ended in triumph. Cancer had threatened to derail more than just his career months after the most memorable moment of his life – the 2011 World Cup victory rendered doubly sweet by his bagging the Player of the Tournament prize. It was a distressing interlude that he had seen coming as he played the tournament in much pain and discomfort.

The rest of that year “vanished” from his life as he went in for treatment in the US and struggled to make it back to the sport that had made him what he was. This book is a bid to ensure that the time that went by in an agonising blur isn’t wasted. “Just as we share our victories and joys, we need to share our grief so someone else can feel they are not alone when the chips are down,” Yuvraj writes.   

For this reviewer, The Test of My Life: From Cricket to Cancer and Back, co-authored by sports scribes Sharda Ugra and Nishant Jeet Arora, works primarily because it is marked by journalistic directness. Although the ever-flamboyant middle-order batsman has let on that the story might take the form of a movie soon, this book, mercifully, isn’t a screenwriter’s take on Yuvraj’s brush with cancer. You feel the force of the ‘real’ battle that the cricketer waged to come out of the ordeal. It is told simply, without undue dramatic layering. Sentiments flow naturally from the innards of the tale.

Cancer seems to have made the once-brash and reckless young man a bit of a philosopher. He remembers the occasion when, as a boy, he crashed his new bicycle into a rickshaw. He did not know how to ride the bike but wanted to “master the machine on my own”. The result, he recalls, was “a spectacular accident, made up of a pinch of foolishness and plenty of blood”. Ten stitches were needed to repair two of his fingers.

Yuvraj then writes: “When I pull on my gloves now, I can still see the scars. The stitches remind me that balance is always a hard thing to master. Balance wasn’t part of the way I grew up and it is not part of Indian cricket either. Being accident-prone got me used to getting up and dusting myself off without fuss.”

While the cancer story is obviously at the heart of this readable book, it is also noteworthy for the frankness with which Yuvraj dwells upon the paternal pressures that he faced in childhood as his dad, Yograj Singh, who played one Test match and six ODIs for India, sought to make good his own failings through his son.

Always fond of all kinds of sporting pursuits, Yuvraj was more into skating than anything else, but his father literally forced him into cricket with such disregard for the boy’s own choices that the game “became a chore”.

He confesses that “even as a teenager, there were times I felt I was living my father’s life, chasing his dreams”. Now, many years later, he is of course able to see his father’s exertions with greater equanimity.

Yuvraj also looks back at his parents’ failed marriage with just as much honesty and empathy that he brings to bear upon the rest of his remarkable story. His mother was 18 and his dad 22 when they got married. Yuvraj was born a year later. The couple grew up and apart as life progressed, and Yuvraj and his brother, Zorawar, eight years younger, bore the brunt of the turmoil at home.

Yuvraj’s mental toughness, tenacity and sterling successes as a cricketer can, in part at least, be attributed to the many challenges that he countenanced in his formative years. It probably put some steel into his soul: the deeply ingrained mettle would have come in handy when cancer struck.


Source : IIPM Editorial, 2013.
An Initiative of IIPM, Malay Chaudhuri
For More IIPM Info, Visit below mentioned IIPM articles
2012 : DNA National B-School Survey 2012
Ranked 1st in International Exposure (ahead of all the IIMs)
Ranked 6th Overall

Zee Business Best B-School Survey 2012
Prof. Arindam Chaudhuri’s Session at IMA Indore
IIPM IN FINANCIAL TIMES, UK. FEATURE OF THE WEEK
IIPM strong hold on Placement : 10000 Students Placed in last 5 year
BBA Management Education

SC verdict boon for poor

Glivec sold by MNC Novartis for Rs 1.2 lakhs will now be available for Rs 8,000

Gopal is affected by Cronic Myeloid Leukemia (CML), a blood cancer. His annual treatment at the All India Institute of Medical Sciences (AIIMS) will cost anywhere between Rs 10 to 40 lakhs and will certainly add to his life. Wonder drug Glivec will make it possible.

But the sad part is Glivec’s astronomically high price - a burden for a majority of three lakh CML patients in India. The Swiss drug giant justifies it on account of its $1 billion investment into the research of the molecule. Such tall claims by multinational companies (MNCs) have been refuted by the Public Health Foundation which says that MNCs are overstating their investment to make heavy profits. In a landmark judgment, the Supreme Court ruled out a plea filed by Novartis for patenting this anti-cancer drug Glivec, saying, ``there is no novelty, no invention’’. Novartis’ claim for patent was earlier rejected by the Indian Patent Appellate Board (IPAB), after which the MNC had moved the apex court.

The overall implication of this judgment is this: Glivec which is sold by Novartis for Rs 1.2 lakhs, will be available for Rs 8,000 to patients marketed by Glenmark, an Indian generic producer. The decision has come as a great relief to patients, generic drug manufacturers like Cipla, Ranbaxy, GlenMark etc and bad news for MNCs who thrive on exclusive marketing like Pfizer, Glaxo Smith Kline, Novartis and Aventis.

This historical development underlines a stark reality: Indian judicial and quasi-judicial bodies will not allow MNCs to exploit the 2005 April amendment of the Indian Patent Act which provides them exclusive marketing rights for 20 years, provided the drug is a new invention. The 2005 amendment was in tune with global practices as dictated by the World Trade Organisation (WTO).  Needless to add, the process patent regime of the Patent Act 1970 has been made redundant. But law makers did provide enough teeth in the act to stop ever greening - which means extending the patents duration by minor modulations in the molecule. The Supreme Court did use this particular legal provision in this case.

The MNC pharma body, Organization of Pharmaceutical Producers of India (OPPI) spokesman reacted strongly saying that India is discouraging invention and research. He also pointed out that MNCs not getting their due may shun this country. On the face, it is a commercially motivated propaganda to pressurise India. What are the points of rebuttal? One, this molecule was not new and existed in the public domain the world over and tried to enter India after 2005 to take advantage of the changed patent regime; two, Indians have walked the extra mile for promoting genuine inventions in 2005; three, the threat to India rings hollow because the sheer size of the Indian market will force the MNCs to adjust accordingly.  

The bottom line here is not recovering costs incurred in research but the greed for big money. Pharma products are killing poor people. Even the world’s most developed country USA, has resorted to generic drugs, saving roughly $ 1 trillion in health care.  There is a similar clamour in the European Union (EU). To handle this dire situation, a compulsory licensing (CL) clause was added to Trade Related Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS ).

Cynics may argue otherwise but the fact is India has used this so-called death warrant (CL) only once while it has been often resorted to by the USA, Canada, China, Indonesia and Malaysia. In a bid to provide for affordable kidney anti-cancer drug Nexavar, the IPAB upheld the CL in favour of Natco Pharma against MNC Bayer, the original patent holder. Natco Pharma reduced Nexavar prices by 97 percent although they were asked to pay 6 percent royalty to Bayer. Remember Bayer was granted the patent in 2008 but exorbitant prices became unaffordable for cancer patients. Hence a fourth CL was granted in 2011. In contrast, US Presidents through executive orders have invoked CL time and again to sort out issues of shortages and affordability. Interestingly, the executive order of the US President cannot be challenged in court. What is the way out?  In case of essential and life saving drugs, governments, the World Health Organisation (WHO) and Unicef can join hands to promote research in the larger interest of humankind, something like the Gene Pool research where the USA and UK have joined hands.


Source : IIPM Editorial, 2013.
An Initiative of IIPM, Malay Chaudhuri
For More IIPM Info, Visit below mentioned IIPM articles
2012 : DNA National B-School Survey 2012
Ranked 1st in International Exposure (ahead of all the IIMs)
Ranked 6th Overall

Zee Business Best B-School Survey 2012
Prof. Arindam Chaudhuri’s Session at IMA Indore
IIPM IN FINANCIAL TIMES, UK. FEATURE OF THE WEEK
IIPM strong hold on Placement : 10000 Students Placed in last 5 year
BBA Management Education

Monday, June 3, 2013

Movie Review: The Master

Dreg and dodd

Paul Thomas Anderson is a genius. With films such as There Will Be Blood, Magnolia, Boogie Nights, he has already established himself as one of the best directors of his generation. Now with The Master he returns to prove what movies are truly capable of.

A World War II veteran, Freddie Quell (Joaquin Phoenix), returns after the end of the war, sex-obsessed and alcoholic, trying his best to adapt to his new environment. He stumbles and bumbles his way to the yacht of Lancaster Dodd (Philip Seymour Hoffman), the leader of a cultish philosophical movement called “The Cause.” After going through some “processing” techniques with Dodd, Freddie becomes a hardy supporter of

“The Cause” and violently takes care of some of its detractors.

Joaquin Phoenix plays the character of Freddie with a raw, exposed nerve. He drives the film with mixes of humour and determination and a never ending novelty. Freddie is as untameable and unpredictable as the film itself.

The Master does not shy away from anything. Whether showing the sex-obsessed imagination of Freddie or exposing the practices of the sham religion which Lancaster Dodd preaches, which is creepingly similar to Scientology, the film never does all the explaining. It ties together some deeply contemplate-able thoughts about war, humanity, religion, love, authority and belief and leaves you to ponder about it.

If you still doubt that cinema is the most powerful medium of expression, The Master will make you believe it.


Source : IIPM Editorial, 2013.
An Initiative of IIPM, Malay Chaudhuri
For More IIPM Info, Visit below mentioned IIPM articles
IIPM’s Management Consulting Arm-Planman Consulting
Professor Arindam Chaudhuri – A Man For The Society….
IIPM: Indian Institute of Planning and Management
IIPM makes business education truly global
Management Guru Arindam Chaudhuri
Rajita Chaudhuri-The New Age Woman

ExecutiveMBA

Saturday, June 1, 2013

The India v/s bharat test

Indian cricket is symbolic of the struggle going on between the big city English speaking elite who prefer status quo and small town apsirants who want change

If I am not mistaken, it happened in 1984, arguably one of the most tumultuous and violent years in the history of independent India. Soon after winning the cricket World Cup in 1983, the Indian team led by the small town-broken English Kapil Dev was thrashed and humiliated by a rampaging West Indies team bent on vengeance for the World Cup loss. Predictably, Kapil lost his captaincy to the big city-flawless English Sunil Gavaskar. Subsequently, India lost a test match in Delhi to a visiting England team. Some people blamed Kapil for playing an "irresponsible" shot and getting out. The selectors and the captain Gavaskar dropped Kapil from the next Test to be played at Eden Gardens in then Calcutta. All hell broke loose and conspiracy theories started flying thick and fast. Just imagine what would have happened if we had dozens of 24X7 news channels back then! Cricket fans at Eden Gardens responded by hooting, booing and shellacking Sunil Gavaskar.

What, you may ask, is the relevance of this slice of history to the controversy over Virender Sehwag? Well, the fact is that the battle between Bharat and India as symbolized by the Indian cricket team is decades old and will not end with the axing of Sehwag. Just like Kapil Dev, Sehwag is raw and unvarnished talent that often refuses to play by the rule book. Like Kapil, Sehwag is not comfortable with English and yet has an uncanny ability to score runs, take wickets and yes, earn a lot of money. Like Kapil, Sehwag has been often slammed for his unconventional and "irresponsible" ways. Both represent the gradual but sure emergence of the small town India that is in a hurry to destroy the existing citadels of elitism that English-speaking India has so carefully nurtured. Soon after he retired, Sunil Gavaskar became a commentator on the idiot box and remains so. Soon after he retired, Kapil Dev tried becoming a commentator on English sports channels. It was embarrassing and he dropped out. But Bharat will have its way, no matter what India thinks and wants. So, the Star Network now has two channels devoted to Test and one day cricket in India. Gavaskar is the star in the English one and Kapil is the star in the Hindi one. It is a rare Navjot Singh Sidhu who can straddle both language channels with effortless verbosity. When Sehwag finally drops his swashbuckling cricket bat and decides to sit in front of a microphone, you know in which language he will be delivering commentary.

Who knows, Sehwag, like Kapil before him will do a thing or two that might anger both the Establishment and the cricket Establishment. Surely you must remember the genesis of the IPL? Well, it owes its birth and success to two small town Indians named Subhash  Chandra and Kapil Dev. The promotor of the Zee Network Chandra was so frustrated by the BCCI repeatedly refusing to give telecast rights to his channels that he launched the Indian Cricket League and appointed Kapil Dev as the CEO. A number of has-been and wannabe players were signed up to play 20 over matches. The BCCI struck back with a vengeance and basically told players that anyone playing in ICL will incur the wrath of the Establishment. In a brazen show of pettiness that only English speaking elitist India is capable of, the BCCI even stopped the pension it was paying to Kapil Dev. And of course, it created and launched the IPL, now the centre of allegations of money laundering and what not.  

Quite ironically, it is two fluent in English elitist cricketers who have promoted the rise and rise of small town talent and an an in-your-face take-no-losses attitude. The first was the late MAK Pataudi, a blue-blooded royal who could have played Test cricket for England if he wanted to. He constantly battled against the Establishment and encouraged 'rebel' players like Erapalli Prasanna. His last comeback is the stuff of legend. In 1975, India had already lost two consecutive Test matches to a visiting West Indies team. The two Tests had incidentally heralded the arrival ot the global stage of the now legendary Viv Richards. Public outcry and demand forced the selectors to appoint Pataudi as the captain. He delivered two successive test victories in then Calcutta and Madras. The other elitist who has encouraged small town Bharat is Sourav Ganguly. Indian cricket was in a shambles when Ganguly was made the captain in the wake of the match mixing scam and a series of humiliating defeats under Sachin Tendulkar as captain. And he created magic with the help of small town wonders like Zaheer Khan, Harbhajan Singh, Mohammed Kaif, Virender Sehwag and Irfan Pathan. Do remember, thanks to his efforts, Pataudi was always given a raw deal by the Establishment. And the manner in which India's most successful captain Ganguly was humiliated is sordid.

So will this battle between small town Bharat and big city India ever end? Not in a hurry. India represents status quo and the cosy comforts and benefits that naturally come your way when you belong to the club. Bharat finds entry into this club very difficult. And only huge success, performance and talent apart from the ability to break rules allows the English speaking Establishment to grudgingly accept it.


Source : IIPM Editorial, 2013.
An Initiative of IIPM, Malay Chaudhuri
For More IIPM Info, Visit below mentioned IIPM articles
2012 : DNA National B-School Survey 2012
Ranked 1st in International Exposure (ahead of all the IIMs)
Ranked 6th Overall

Zee Business Best B-School Survey 2012
Prof. Arindam Chaudhuri’s Session at IMA Indore
IIPM IN FINANCIAL TIMES, UK. FEATURE OF THE WEEK
IIPM strong hold on Placement : 10000 Students Placed in last 5 year
BBA Management Education

Friday, May 31, 2013

A welcome judicial intervention

After years of political turmoil and uncertainty, things are looking up in Nepal as a new experiment gets underway there, reports Mayank Singh
Nepal's Chief Justice Khil Raj Regmi's decision to become prime minister has been by and large welcomed but its actual impact will be felt once the modalities are clearly enunciated between the political parties and the apex court. It will also help in allaying both constitutional and political fears.

For India, that can only mean good news. Since the dissolution of the Baburam Bhattarai government in May, 2012 after four years of wrangling and repeated extensions for the Constitutional Assembly, there appeared no solution in sight. The decision of the chief justice to head the non-partisan government came as a relief since when Maoists emerged as the biggest party in the 2008 elections, they lead the country into a state of terminal decline.

The Constituent Assembly failed to finalise a Constitution by 2010 and voted to extend its own term four times.

The experiment has proved to be costly – political turmoil with four unstable governments in four years. Nepal was without a functional government since May 2012, thanks to the stand taken by the country's two main parties, Nepali Congress and the CPN-UML, who continued to defy the Bhattarai government's every decision.

In a country where opinions are sharpy divided and voters deeply polarised, all decisions are likely to find more opposition than supporters. Now even the chief justice's move is under the scanner. Which is surprising because it has the blessings of all four important parties – the Unified CPN-Maoist, Nepali Congress, Communist Party of Nepal (United Marxist-Leninist) and the United Democratic Madhesi Front.

Some opposition to the plans are based on the failures of the Constituent Assembly to get their act together. That could be used skilfully to make a point and may guide the dynamics of the elections in favour of the Federal Democratic Republic Alliance, an alliance of Maoist and the Madehsi parties. Their calculations are based on typical vote bank politics: the Maoists are strong in the hills and the Madhesi parties in the terai. It is a potent combination which can form a government since their interests in no way clash with each other.

In the process, could the judiciary, sucked into a political vortex, loose its impartiality and credibility. Officials say this problem has been taken care of: the chief justice will temporarily vacate his position as head of the judiciary to head the electoral process. Once elections conclude, he will automatically be relieved of that responsibility. Until such time though, as a temporary charge, the Deputy Chief Justice of Nepal will be elevated to that position.

To remove the inevitable clouds around his motive, the chief justice has categorically stated that he has no personal ambitions but has just stepped in to resolve the political and constitutional crisis. Observers believe that his fairness and impartiality remains intact.

The more serious problems are political. The scale and intensity of infighting in parties like the Nepali Congress and the CPN–UML is a matter of intense concern. At the moment, it looks very difficult for either to keep their flock together. That is bound to lead to further fragmentation.

According to Nihar Nayak, research fellow at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analysis (IDSA), opposition parties have more grass root support. "Mainline political parties are scared of the opposition because of their poor performance while in the government. This is also because of their lack of grass root support,'' he says.

But there are others like defence analyst Major General (Retd) GD Bakshi who believe that there is a lot happening under the surface which may not be evident at the moment. "There is a long term negative effect which is eroding institutions and will divert Nepal from the path of growth and progress. The army and the economy have been at the receiving end of this political turmoil. While the army has conducted itself well even in the worst crisis, its much-required modernisation and training have gone for a toss as they have no help from the government.''

The inflation in Nepal is hovering in the region of 9 to 10 per cent which has made life for its people very difficult. Political uncertainty is one of the major reasons for the economy going into a tailspin.

Furthermore, Nepal's interim constitution bars judges, including the chief justice from assuming any role which is not of a judicial nature without the prior consent and approval of the judicial council – something Chief Justice Regmi has not done. That too will require a constitutional amendment.

Most believe that while the new appointment is a step in the right direction, it is not likely to ease political complications. Even if allowed by political parties to preside over the elections, it would require a herculean effort on the part of the government machinery to conduct elections in remote areas which could take days to reach. Time is clearly running out for conducting the elections before May-end or the first week of June, before the monsoons, scheduled to reach sometime in the first or the second week of June.


Source : IIPM Editorial, 2013.
An Initiative of IIPM, Malay Chaudhuri
For More IIPM Info, Visit below mentioned IIPM articles

Wednesday, May 29, 2013

The Pakistan card

As US prepares to leave Afghanistan in 2014, India mulls its security options and the future of its decade-long economic relationship with the land locked country. Ranjit Bhushan reports

India's troubled neighbourhood is set for yet another change when US troops depart Afghanistan in 2014, three years after President Barack Obama grandiosely announced his 'surge and exit' policy from the war-wracked country.

With mounting domestic public opinion against a war which is not 'their own' in addition to a sharply rising public expenditure and inflation, the US has realised that while occupying Afghanistan may have been easy, to administer it in any strict sense is well nigh impossible: Soviet troops in the 1980s and the British Indian Army in the 19th century would unhappily vouch for it.

By virtually pushing out the mighty American army from Afghanistan – despite innumerable drone raids, huge military casualties and diplomatic heartbreaks – the Pakistani Army would see the US pull out as a political triumph. It is a scene tailor-made forthe General Head Quarters in Rawalpindi: they can now have a free run of the country which they consider a natural ally, cut a deal with the Taliban and promote the interests of war lords who have connections in Pakistan and are backed directly or indirectly by the army.

For the Pakistani army, the biggest road block in its total domination of Afghanistan to gain strategic depth remains the Indian presence – a presence loathed in ample measure by generals there. New Delhi has considerably expanded its influence in Afghanistan since the US ousted the Taliban regime by the end of 2001. There can be little doubt that this interest has flourished by the backing that India has got from the US and international military forces. "That period by all accounts is over. We are looking at a new phase in Afghanistan policy and there will be changes," says one senior Indian diplomat formerly posted in Kabul. Indian apprehensions have been compounded by President Obama's and British efforts to engage the Taliban in negotiations – for New Delhi, Taliban is but another face of the Pakistani army. For India's strategic community, US's reported move to carve out Talibani and Pakistani spheres of influence respectively in the battle-weary country even as they leave, is a potential nightmare with no quick fix solutions in sight.

Realists on Delhi’s strategic circuit believe that India's responses to the developing situation in Afghanistan have to be tempered by ground realities, not rhetoric. In a recent writeup in bi-monthly magazine The American Interest, strategic expert C Rajamohan wrote: "Despite much talk in Washington about India’s 'rivalry' with Pakistan in Afghanistan, Delhi is acutely aware that it is not a 'primary' player there in the manner that Islamabad is. The absence of a physical border is India’s greatest strength and main weakness in Afghanistan. Paradoxically, the 2,500 kilometer-long open border with Afghanistan – the Durand Line – is Pakistan’s greatest advantage and principal weakness. Because Afghanistan is once-removed from India, few Afghans distrust Delhi. The absence of a border means India cannot undertake and defend a unilateral security role in Afghanistan.'' In other words, any military engagement in that country can safely be ruled out for the time being.

Delhi, nevertheless, remains an important player in its immediate neighbourhood. Backed by Washington and NATO, the Indo-Afghan engagement has been broadening in the last decade or so. In 2011, the two countries signed a strategic partnership, which promised – on top of its agenda – a distinct Indian role in raising Afghan forces, mostly in India. Close to 200 Afghan soldiers are currently attending Indian military colleges.

In 2012, India played host to an international investment meeting on Afghanistan in New Delhi – a key visitor from Kabul told potential Indian investors that it was not easy to do business in his country. Despite it, India has pledged $2 billion in aid to build roads, power stations and even the Parliament of Afghanistan. As a return gift, India has got rights to mine prime iron ore reserves in the country. To be sure, the Indian private sector response has been tepid given the political climate in the country, but the government is known to be persuading public sector mining companies, including the NDMC and National Aluminum Company Co Ltd, to explore avenues of investment.

Officials in the two countries are reported to be discussing the 'new silk route' between the two nations. There is a vibrant Afghan community which lives in New Delhi, many of them beneficiaries of medical tourism, while Kabul itself is awash with Indian colours, food and music. Afghanistan President Hamid Karzai is fluent in Hindi, having spent his student years in the Himachal Pradesh University. A visiting British journalist traveling in Afghanistan remembers that "while you never hear a good word for Pakistan, you rarely hear a bad one for India".

Last year, India signed a deal to pipe gas 1,700 km from Turkmenistan across Afghanistan and Pakistan. India's leading gas company Gas Authority of India Ltd, is one of the leaders of a consortium trying to woo global investors to cough up $7.6 billion for the pipeline christened TAPI (Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India). But there are many in Delhi who believe that this pipeline would make India dependent upon arch rival Pakistan and that is something which may not find backers in in the short term. Ministry of External Affairs spokesman Syed Akbaruddin told this magazine that India's presence is about strategic self-interest. "Afghanistan is in our neighbourhood and there is a history of Afghan soil being used for terror attacks on India. We cannot allow it to happen," he said.

For the Americans, their decisionto exit Afghanistan may create more problems than solve them. The US dilemma can be best understood in a recent Rand Corporation assessment of competing global and regional interests in the country.

Says the Rand Corporation report, "India and Pakistan have very different visions for Afghanistan, and they seek to advance highly disparate interests through their respective engagements in the country. Pakistan views Afghanistan primarily as an environment in which to pursue its rivalry with India. India pursues domestic priorities (such as reining in anti-Indian terrorism, accessing Central Asian energy resources and increasing trade) that require Afghanistan to experience stability and economic growth. Thus, whereas Pakistan seeks to fashion an Afghan state that would detract from regional security, India would enhance Afghanistan's stability, security, economic growth and regional integration. Afghanistan would welcome greater involvement from India, though it will need to accommodate the interests of other external powers as well. India has a range of options for engaging Afghanistan, from continuing current activities to increasing economic and commercial ties, deploying forces to protect Indian facilities, continuing or expanding training for Afghan forces, or deploying combat troops for counter-terrorism and counterinsurgency missions. To avoid antagonising Pakistan, India is likely to increase economic and commercial engagement while maintaining, or perhaps augmenting, military training, though it will continue to conduct such training inside India. Increased Indian engagement in Afghanistan, particularly enhanced Indian assistance to Afghan security forces, will advance long-term US objectives in central and south Asia.''

Could Indian policymakers then look for clues in modern history? British rulers, confronted with virtually uncontrollable tribal upsurge of the trans-Indus tribal territories in the 19th century, wavered between a policy that sought to physically control the boondocks through force and through a hands-off policy which recognised that given the region's natural turbulence where virtually everyone carried a gun and was quite willing to use it, it would be futile to try to subjugate: reconciliation was always a better bet.Indian mandarins say in the current situation, a hands-offpolicy would imply that there is no tearing hurry to get into Afghanistan after the Americans depart. India will instead, rely on internal affairs of the country to take a turn where New Delhi's role would come into play. For instance, it is nearly certain that once the Pakistani Army gets a run of the country once again and decides to put the squeeze, certain ethnic groups – the non-Pashtun minorities in Afghanistan for instance – who are opposed to Islamabad will turn to New Delhi for help.


Source : IIPM Editorial, 2013.
An Initiative of IIPM, Malay Chaudhuri
For More IIPM Info, Visit below mentioned IIPM articles
IIPM’s Management Consulting Arm-Planman Consulting
Professor Arindam Chaudhuri – A Man For The Society….
IIPM: Indian Institute of Planning and Management
IIPM makes business education truly global
Management Guru Arindam Chaudhuri
Rajita Chaudhuri-The New Age Woman

ExecutiveMBA

Saturday, May 25, 2013

Taking law in your hands

Chhattisgarh's tribal women are increasingly facing the wrath of errant policemen, reports Anil Dwivedi

While the Delhi gang rape case has led to more reporting of such instances nationwide and an increasing public awareness of the rights of women, in tribal-dominated Chhattisgarh, a spiral of physical assaults on women by uniformed police men and other government employees, have put paid to the state government’s clarion call to provide security to its denizens, particularly low caste backward women.
consider this:

1. In Sarguja district’s Chando police station, July 6, 2011, 15-year-old Meena Khelkon was allegedly raped by the police, branded as a Naxalite and then killed in an encounter. When the issue was raised in the state assembly, a CID inquiry was ordered but it reached no dramatic conclusions. There is still no charge sheet filed

2. In November 2012, in Narayanpur’s Koliyari village, four police personnel allegedly gang raped a 35-year-old tribal woman. Charges were filed under Section 376 of the Indian Penal Code (IPC) which deals specially with outraging the modesty of a woman by the police. The issue has been put into cold storage

3. Two special police officers (SPOs) attached to the Chhindgarh police station allegedly raped a minor; an FIR was filed but there have been no further investigations.

4. Soni Sori, a tribal woman was picked up ten months ago by the police on charges of being a Maoist sympathiser. She alleged that in the presence of the district SP, she was stripped and molested but managed to avoid rape. She continues to be behind bars. One of the officers reportedly involved in the incident was, ironically, later felicitated with a President’s Medal.

Welcome to Chhattisgarh, a haven for cop rapists who get away as clean as a whistle and a state which came into existence as a separate entity for tribals in 2000, threatens its denizens the most. While by means restricted to the state, the security provided for tribal women is increasingly coming under a cloud by, ironically, those meant to be upholders of law and order.

Now it seems, even the others are joining in. Last fortnight, in Kanker district’s Government Jhaliamari Ashram, 16 tribal girls were raped and molested by their teachers and similar reports from three government hostels suggest that no matter how high sounding the law is, there is little safety for tribals living in Chhattisgarh.

Says human rights activist BK Manish, who has also been campaigning for introducing the Fifth Schedule, a special constitutional provision which provides powers for governance in the country’s tribal hinterland, “Things have reached such a stage that tribals have stopped going to the police, knowing they are not going to get justice.”

In Chhattisgarh, tribals constitute the majority 31.81 per cent of the population followed by 11.60 per cent Scheduled Castes or Dalits. Cases of rapes, land grabbing and encounters as alleged by Maoists, are common place. According to the National Crime Bureau (NCB), despite the presence of a 1989 special ordinance which deals with the safe keep of tribals, there were 879 cases registered against those committing atrocities on them; of those charged, 172 were convicted while 625 got away due to lack of evidence.

Former Union Minister and tribal leader, BJP’s Rajya Sabha MP, Nand Kumar Sai, says he is a worried man. “The state Governor should use his powers to provide relief. The Constitution gives him the authority of take special steps for protecting tribals. Why isn't he using them?” he asks TSI.

According to a police officer who prefers to talk off the record, the biggest impediment in pursuing the cases is the lack of government go-ahead. According to the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989, no investigation can proceed without the government’s clearance. A case in point is the Janjgir-Chapa gang rape case of a 40-year-old tribal woman where senior police officers declined to give their approval for the probe. Not surprisingly, the officer who had build up a case against the accused was shown the door!


Source : IIPM Editorial, 2013.
An Initiative of IIPM, Malay Chaudhuri
For More IIPM Info, Visit below mentioned IIPM articles
2012 : DNA National B-School Survey 2012
Ranked 1st in International Exposure (ahead of all the IIMs)
Ranked 6th Overall

Zee Business Best B-School Survey 2012
Prof. Arindam Chaudhuri’s Session at IMA Indore
IIPM IN FINANCIAL TIMES, UK. FEATURE OF THE WEEK
IIPM strong hold on Placement : 10000 Students Placed in last 5 year
BBA Management Education